Tag: Decolonization

Decolonization in Kalaallit Nunaat (Greenland) is the process of reclaiming Inuit sovereignty, culture, and resources from Danish influence, fostering self-determination and Indigenous identity.

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Greenland United but Lonely Against the Colonial Powers

Post widely shared by Greenlanders on social networks to challenge the imperialist and colonial declarations of the United States. © Aka Hansen

Originally published in French in Mediapart. The translation was generated with DeepL.

After the abduction of Nicolas Maduro, President Trump quickly designated the next targets of his imperialist fury. Among these, Greenland, a former US ambition and a constant obsession for Donald Trump. Faced with this new attack, guided by fury as much as a security and mining fantasy, Greenland is once again united in its anti-colonial voice, surrounded by “allies” entangled in the affirmation of an international law with variable geometry.

The desires of President Donald Trump in Greenland have taken credibility in recent days following the kidnapping of Venezuelan President Nicolas Maduro and Cilia Flores on 3 January, illustrating a reaffirmation of an imperialist and interventionist aim free from international law. So, will Greenland soon be renamed “Red, White and Blueland” as Trump proposed? Or are there ears ready to hear the aspirations of a territory always under Danish tutelage more quick to rename itself Nunarput (“our country/territory”) or Inuit Nunaat (“the country/territory of the Inuit”)?

Following the intervention in Venezuela, Kate Miller, the wife of the deputy chief of staff of the White House shared a photo of Greenland against a background of the American flag with the caption “SOON” (SOON). Deputy Chief of Staff Stephen Miller himself claimed that Greenland should be part of the United States. The White House would actively develop acquisition plans, including diplomatic, economic and military measures, calling the autonomous territory a “national security priority” and thus reviving an idea long considered rhetorical. This Trumpian obsession goes back to the first administration but gains in acuity following the US intervention in Venezuela, and while the use of the U.S. military “is still an option” according to the White House.

Silent and then conciliatory after the kidnapping of Nicolas Maduro, Emmanuel Macron and six other leaders and heads of government of NATO member countries signed a joint declaration stating that “it is up to Denmark and Greenland, and on their own, to decide the issues concerning Denmark and Greenland.” The foreign ministers of the Nordic countries (Finland, Sweden, Norway and Iceland) also defended the self-determination of Greenland and Denmark, after obviously not finding the right words to condemn the US violations of international law. As the Danish media outlet Altinget points out, the weakening of European positions vis-à-vis international law, makes any position of support for Greenland inaudible: “international law in Ukraine cannot be defended and its collapse in Venezuela or Gaza cannot be accepted. We cannot talk about sovereignty in the Baltic Sea and ignore it in the Caribbean.” This did not prevent the Danish Prime Minister, Mette Friedriksen, to indicate that any military action would mean the end of NATO: “The international community as we know it, the democratic rules of the game, NATO, the most powerful defensive alliance in the world, all this would collapse if one NATO country decided to attack another.”

But Trump does not only play with the nerves of Europeans as François Bougon points out on Mediapart, he also plays and especially with those of Greenlanders, among whom the desire for independence has never been so shared. Naalakkersuisut President Jens-Frederik Nielsen said in a statement to Trump that: “This is not how we address a people who have repeatedly shown responsibility, stability and loyalty. Too much, that’s too much. No more pressure. No more insinuations. No more annexation fantasies. We are open to dialogue. We are open to discussion.” In a joint statement, all the Greenlandic parties at the Inatsisartut, the national parliament, showed their unity: “as leaders of the Greenlandic parties, we would like to stress once again our wish to see the loss of respect for our country cease to the United States’ disrespect for our country,” they say. Before repeating a formula that has become a refrain in recent months: “We don’t want to be American, we don’t want to be Danish, we want to be Greenlanders.” A position widely, if not unanimously, shared in the country, as I recalled in a previous post. This weekend, this refrain was taken up during a new demonstration in the capital, Nuuk. While responses to US threats have remained largely rhetorical, Greenland MP Aaja Chemnitz at the Folketing, the Danish parliament, is now calling on Greenland and Denmark to take concrete steps, including military measures, regarding the preparation and protection of Greenland.

Earlier in December, Donald Trump appointed a new special envoy to Greenland, the Republican governor of Louisiana state, Jeff Landry. The latter had written on X that it is an honour for him to assume the mission of integrating Greenland into the United States, while the latter has already been present on the territory since the Second World War and that he has a military base in the north of the territory.

Illustration 1

Assembly widely taken up by Greenlanders on social networks to challenge the imperialist and colonial declarations of the United States. © Aka Hansen

In Greenland nothing new: an old American interest

Greenland’s geostrategic position, located between Europe and North America, attracted the attention of the United States very early on. As early as 1867, President Andrew Johnson proposed a first offer to buy the territory, followed in 1946 by that of Harry Truman, who offered 100 million dollars in Copenhagen (Pouilliute, 2025). Already in 2019, President Donald Trump had revived this ambition, again facing the categorical refusal of the Danish authorities.

The US presence in Greenland materialized during the Second World War. In 1941, a treaty allowed the United States to establish military bases on the territory, while Denmark was occupied by Germany. This treaty was updated by a bilateral agreement in 1951, after Denmark joined NATO. This agreement is still the foundation of the US military presence in the territory. The Pituffik base, built in this context, is the only permanent American base in Greenland. It now plays a key role in the U.S. anti-missile system and in its Arctic maritime defence system.

In contrast to Donald Trump’s statements in recent years, diplomatic and military relations between the United States and Denmark and Greenland have strengthened. In 2020, the United States reopened its consulate in Nuuk, after nearly seven decades of absence. First installed in the Arctic command center of the Danish army, this diplomatic representation symbolized Washington’s renewed interest in the Arctic and for increased dialogue with Greenland. In the same year, a cooperation agreement was signed between the United States, Denmark and Greenland, including the management of the services of the Pituffik base. In 2014, the United States unilaterally awarded the contract to a U.S. company, at the expense of a Danish-Greenlandic company, causing strong local reactions. The 2020 agreement now provides that these contracts will have to be awarded to Greenland companies.

The new bilateral defense agreement signed in December 2023 between Copenhagen and Washington provides for the possibility of parking American soldiers and storing equipment on Danish soil. While it explicitly excludes Greenland and the Faroe Islands, it allows unimpeded access by U.S. forces to several bases in mainland Denmark, including Karup, Skrydstrup and Aalborg. More recently, the United States is currently considering transferring Greenland from the European Command (EUCOM) to the Northern Command (NORTHCOM), which, while symbolic, reinforces the perception of a US strategic repositioning in the region.

In this context of geopolitical recomposition, Denmark announced in January 2025 an investment plan of 14.6 billion Danish kroner (about 1.95 billion euros) to strengthen its military presence in the Arctic and the North Atlantic. The plan, developed jointly with the Greenlandic and Faroese governments, involves the acquisition of three Arctic ships capable of carrying drones and helicopters, the deployment of two long-range surveillance drones, and the strengthening of satellite capabilities and land-based sensors to improve situational awareness and intelligence in the region. However, this agreement is considered to be largely insufficient both to allow a defense that is not only dependent on the United States, but also to take the measure of the Greenlandic will to independence. The latter is based in part on the development of a mining sector, whose revenues would be able to replace the Danish subsidy. The current state of mining development in Greenland, as well as the critical and careful approach of Greenlanders to the development of extractivist infrastructure, makes Trumpian geological ambition sparking.

In the background, the mining fantasy

In 2009, with the entry into force of the Enhanced Autonomy Act, Greenland gained full control of its natural resources, including hydrocarbons and minerals, which were previously within Denmark’s jurisdiction. Since then, resource exploitation has often been promoted by the Greenlandic elites as a potential pillar of economic autonomy, with a view to future independence. Although criticized in the 1980s for its enclave character and negative social impacts, the extractive model was rehabilitated in the 2010s as an instrument of sovereignty (Bailleul, 2023). While in 1988, Greenland had introduced a zero-tolerance policy for uranium mines, in October 2013, the Greenlandic parliament lifted a ban on the extraction of radioactive materials, paving the way for uranium mining by mining companies. The development of the mining sector is now often presented by the authorities as an essential condition for economic independence, a prelude to political independence from the Kingdom of Denmark. The exploitation of these resources would reduce financial dependence on the Danish annual subsidy, which represents about 520 million euros/year, or about 16% of the territory’s GDP. Bailleul (2023) suggests that mining development is part of the construction of an “imagined community”, that is to say in “ideological representations supporting the idea of a homogeneous national people, with common traditions and values, essential for the construction and reproduction of nation-states” (p. 314). The lifting of the ban on the exploitation of uranium mines was instrumental, particularly in the development of the Kuannersuit mining project, led by the Australian company Greenland Minerals and Energy. However, the project was abandoned in 2021 (see a previous post on this subject). The refusal to develop certain mines with high immediate profitability, such as Kuannersuit, nevertheless shows that independence cannot be thought of in purely extractivist terms, and that the construction of such an imagined community is anchored in a long-term vision, ecologically and socially sustainable.

Today, Greenland has 25 of the 34 critical raw materials identified by the EU, attracting international lusts. However, in 2025, only seven mining licenses are active and only two mining operations are in operation in Greenland: the Nalunaq gold mine, near Nanortalik (southwestern Greenland), and the White Mountain /Itilleq anorthosite mine near Kangerlussuaq airport. If the Greenland subsoil attracts increasing attention from Denmark, but also from the European Union, which considers Greenland as a strategic partner, as evidenced by the agreement signed in 2023 as part of its search for autonomy from China, the incomes of mining today represent less than 1% of Greenland’s GDP, and a massive development in the short term is as much politically and economically soudable.

Just yesterday, Donald Trump said he wanted to acquire Greenland, favoring the diplomatic option without resolving himself to give up the option of force. If other scenarios are on the table, such as that of a status of free association with the United States, like what exists with some Pacific island nations, or more far-fetched the payment of 100 000 dollars to those who would accept to join the United States, there is little doubt about the rejection of Greenlanders to adhere to a colonialist and imperialist discourse. On Wednesday, Danish Foreign Minister Lars Løkke Rasmussen and Greenland Foreign Minister Vivian Motzfeldt will meet with US Secretary of State Marco Rubio in Washington. If neither the security of the United States nor the promise of a mining pactole are at stake, the Trumpian desires are certainly explained less by the “psychological necessity” that he evoked than by the red carpet that is unrolled to him. Because the option of weakening international law was chosen by the European continent, at least since the colonial and genocidal war in Gaza, and the “moral fault” renewed by the approval of the intervention in Venezuela, Greenland is now preaching its sovereignty, and that of the oppressed territories, increasingly alone in the North.

Tanguy Sandré

Note: Faced with the growing interest of journalists in the country, and facing both disrespectful and culturally inappropriate solicitations, Aka Hansen, an Inuit artist, has published a guide for journalists who come into contact with Greenland Inuit or on the spot. It is available here.

References

Bailleul, P. (2023). Making nation by the mine? Political history of the mining territories in Greenland. Inuit Studies, 47(1/2), 311–334. https://www.jstor.org/stable/27345308

Pungea, A. (2025). Greenland, a serious subject. National Defence Review, 879(4), 77–82. https://doi.org/10.3917/rdna.879.0077

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Inuit Women’s Summit, Minerals, Submarine Cables & Satellites… October’s Wrap Up

In Greenland, while Denmark has apologized and is preparing a compensation plan for women and girls who were victims of the forced sterilization program until 1991 (Sermitsiaq, October 22), the Inuit Circumpolar Council is organizing the first Inuit Women’s Summit in Sisimiut at the end of October. Its president, Sara Olvig, emphasized: “We are all deeply affected by the colonial policies that targeted Inuit women and girls.” More broadly, the Summit will focus on three themes: the rights and roles of Inuit women, the prevention of violence and the improvement of safety, and capacity building through culture (Eye on the Arctic, October 21). In early October, Prime Minister Jens-Frederik Nielsen addressed the European Parliament in Strasbourg. He emphasized the importance of the partnership with the EU and the potential for increased cooperation in areas such as critical raw materials and renewable energy (High North News, October 9). The Danish Export and Investment Fund (EIFO) announced a loan of 39 million kroner to the mining company Green Roc, which is working to reopen the Amitsq graphite mine in southern Greenland, last operated between 1915 and 1922 (Sermitsiaq, October 22). Also in the south, following the abandonment of the Kuannersuit mining project, the dispute between the Greenlandic government and Australian mining company Energy Transition Minerals has just been settled by an arbitration tribunal in favor of the Greenlandic government. The dispute had also been brought by the Australian company before the High Court of Greenland and the Copenhagen Court, which have not yet issued their verdicts (DR, October 29). On the defense front, as part of their efforts to strengthen their presence in the Arctic, Denmark and Greenland have agreed to build a dedicated naval dock in Nuuk (Eye on the Arctic, October 14). Also in this context, a new submarine cable worth 3 billion kroner is included in a new defense agreement, which will complement the two existing cables and Greenland’s infrastructure, which is considered highly vulnerable (Sermitsiaq, October 10). In addition, Tusass, Greenland’s autonomous telecommunications company, has signed an agreement with the French company Eutelsat to provide better internet access in regions without submarine cables, namely Tasiilaq and Ittoqqortoormiit in the east and Qaanaaq in the north. While the territory is considering liberalizing the telecommunications market, the importance of Greenland’s critical infrastructure being controlled by Greenland itself was recently reaffirmed, and a partnership with Starlink, which had been rumored, was ruled out (DR, October 20).


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1.6 billion for Greenland, UID’s Apologises & Arctic Light 2025… September’s Wrap Up

Mid-September, Greenland and Denmark signed a framework agreement for infrastructure development in Greenland. Over the next four years, the Danish government will allocate DKK 1.6 billion to initiatives and investments in Greenland, including ports, airports, and healthcare. In particular, the agreement provides for Denmark to finance the construction of a new regional runway in Ittoqqortoormiit, the northernmost town on the east coast, which celebrated its 100th anniversary in early September (Sermitsiaq, September 21). The construction of a deep-water port in Qaqortoq, in the south of the country, is also planned (High North News, September 17). Also in mid-September, the Danish Social Appeals Commission overturned the decision of the Children and Youth Committee to forcibly remove Ivana Nikoline Brønlund’s daughter at birth (Sermitsiaq, September 22). While discrimination against Greenlanders has persisted in recent years (DR, September 25), the issue of historical reparations has also been in the news: on September 24, Danish Prime Minister Mette Frederiksen issued an official apology in Nuuk to Greenlandic women who were victims of forced contraception campaigns between 1966 and 1991 (Sermitsiaq, September 24). This long-awaited gesture is part of a process of recognition of colonial violence and reconciliation. On the security front, Denmark led the Arctic Light 2025 military exercise from September 9 to 19, bringing together more than 550 soldiers from five European countries for joint maneuvers on Greenlandic territory (DR, September 14). The exercise aimed to increase collective preparedness in the Arctic, against a backdrop of growing tensions with the United States and concerns about Russian activity. Finally, the Greenlandic parliament is considering further increasing the tax on cruise ships (currently 50 kroner per passenger, compared to 525 in 2008) in order to curb the growth of cruise tourism and derive greater benefit from it (Sermitsiaq, September 30).

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Cryolite: Denmark censors its colonial history

The article was originally written in French.

No time to read the article? Browse the illustrations of Louise-Marie Jouault.

Over the past few days, DR, the Danish broadcasting corporation, has withdrawn the documentary Orsugiak: The White Gold of Greenland from its catalog. The documentary, produced by DR and originally broadcast on February 9, recounts the investigation by Danish-Kalaaleq (sing. Greenlandic-e) researcher Naja Dyrendom Graugaard, a specialist in colonial issues, into Danish extractivist activities in Kalaallit Nunaat (the indigenous name for the territory referred to as Greenland) during and after the colonial era. The investigation shows that between 1854 and 1987, Denmark extracted around 3.5 million tonnes of cryolite from a fjord in southern Kalaallit Nunaat, with an estimated turnover of 400 billion Danish kroner in 2025 (around 54 billion euros). Cryolite is a rare mineral that forms the basis of the aluminum industry, based on a combination with alumina extracted from bauxite. It is now depleted and produced artificially. The only deposit was at Ivittuut, in south-western Kalaallit Nunaat. The exposure of Danish extractivist activities in Kalaallit Nunaat, but above all the quantification of the revenues derived by the Danish colonial power, provoked great indignation in Kalaallit Nunaat and denial in Denmark. DR’s withdrawal of the documentary illustrates the extent of tensions surrounding the recognition of Danish colonial history, at a time when the March 11 parliamentary elections in Kalaallit Nunaat could bring the autonomous territory closer to independence.

Screenshot from the documentary “Orsugiak: The White Gold of Greenland” © Instagram @white.gold.of.greenland

Outrage and denial

Starting from the Ivittuut open-pit cryolite mine in the south-west of the country, which today is nothing more than a huge water-filled crater, the documentary follows the silver trail from the Kalaaleq subsoil to the Danish state’s accounting records. It also explores the origins of the mine and the story of how cryolite was used to produce aluminum for over 200,000 Allied aircraft during the Second World War. While the Ivittuut mine is widely known at Kalaallit Nunaat, the amount of money generated by its operation remains unknown. The documentary also mentions that the colonial authorities isolated the neighboring colony of Arsuk from the rest of the country for years. The reason for this was the fear of Danish doctors that diseases transmitted by Danish mine workers to the local population could spread. More generally, the mobility of local populations in the region was strictly regulated.

In the course of the documentary, and from the account books unearthed by a Danish researcher, we learn that the total revenue shown in the accounts of the company that operated the mine amounts to 400 billion kroner in today’s Denmark (around 54 billion euros). The conversion to present value was carried out by Torben M. Andersen, Professor of Economics at the University of Aarhus and Chairman of the Economic Council of Kalaallit Nunaat. The value of cryolite increased considerably when it was discovered in 1886 that the raw material could be used to produce aluminum. Raw cryolite was transported by ship to Denmark and processed in a plant from where it was sold. As early as 1864, the Pennsylvania Salt Manufacturing Company, also known as PennSalt (now Pennwalt Cooperation), signed a contract with the Danish government to obtain cryolite from Ivittuut. During the Nazi occupation of Denmark, the raw cryolite was sold directly to the American company Pennsalt.

Previewed in Nuuk (the capital of Kalaallit Nunaat), the documentary caused a stir among Kalaallit (pl. Greenlandic) citizens and politicians. For the president of Siumut, one of the main parties in the ruling coalition, Erik Jensen, the documentary shows that the Kalaallit’s desire for independence is not unrealistic: “It has reinforced our feeling that we can stand on our own two feet at Kalaallit Nunaat. That we’re not just an expense.” Reversing the stigma, Prime Minister Kalaaleq questionned: “What would Denmark have become without Kalaallit Nunaat?” For Sara Olsvig, president of the Inuit Circumpolar Council (ICC), “the documentary should give further impetus to Denmark’s journey towards a better understanding of itself as a colonial power.” In Denmark, however, the documentary has triggered fierce criticism, particularly from the Conservative and Liberal parties and the Minister of Culture, Jakob Engel-Schmidt, who called the documentary “disinformation”. While several economists have cast doubt on the figures that have crystallized the criticism, Torben M. Andersen clearly emphasizes in the documentary that it is a calculation of total sales, not profits. For economist Arindam Banerjee, who also takes part in the documentary, it’s important to factor the colonialist relationship into the equation. The fact that Denmark had a monopoly in Kalaallit Nunaat (until 1950), that mining was run by a Danish company, and that Danish workers ran and participated in the operation, all contributed to benefiting the Danish economy in the end. This is why the 400 billion figure can be considered a profit for the Danish company at the expense of Kalaallit Nunaat.

However, in the face of controversy, DR finally decided on February 19 to delete the controversial documentary, which was said to offer an “overly one-sided” and “biased” view of the facts, and to sack its editor-in-chief. A “shameful” decision for Prime Minister Kalaaleq and seen as “serious interference in the independent press, which could threaten press freedom” by the Kalaallit Nunaat Media Association. Nonetheless, the documentary helps to document Denmark’s colonial history, and in particular the role of mining, but also, and perhaps more importantly, highlights a “colonial denial” of it.

Exceptionalism and censorship

The documentary’s value can be measured by the debate it has provoked. If the denial of the story told in The White Gold of Greenland is so strong, it’s because the myth of benevolent colonialism in Kalaallit Nunaat firmly persists. This myth of “Scandinavian exceptionalism” perpetuates ignorance and denial of Scandinavian participation in the atrocities of colonization, presenting colonial actions accomplished through “collaboration rather than extortion and subjugation” (Naum & Monié Nordin, 2013, p. 4). Unlike France, Great Britain, Spain or Portugal, the Nordic countries are less frequently regarded as colonial powers. Moreover, as Norway, Finland and Iceland only became sovereign nations in the twentieth century, their national identities have not been shaped by consideration of their colonial past (Volquardsen & Körber, 2023). However, the Kingdom of Denmark-Norway did carry out colonial expansions in Kalaallit Nunaat, Iceland, the Faroe Islands and on three different continents: India (1620-1845), Africa (1659-1850) and the Caribbean (1672-1917). According to historian Soren Rud (2017), the Denmark-Kalaallit Nunaat relationship is characterized by denial, shame and pride, which Jensen (2018a) describes as “whitewashing and national self-glorification” (p. 132). As Naum & Monié Nordin (2013) point out, “administrators and travelers visiting northern Scandinavia and Greenland produced an image of the Sami and Inuit population that was essentially no different from representations of Native Americans or Africans in the early modern era” (p. 11). Unlike tropical colonies, Denmark’s relationship with Kalaallit Nunaat was never completely severed (see Jensen, 2018a), which necessitates a close examination of how colonial legacies persist in the present.

In recent years, the revelation of the colonial violence of the Kalaallit women’s sterilization campaign in the 1960s, described as genocide by Prime Minister Kalaaleq, has helped to document colonial remnants and challenge the myth of “benevolent colonialism”. More recently, the Danish Parenting Assessment Test (FKU), one of the psychometric tests widely used in Denmark to assess parenting skills, has been strongly criticized for reproducing racist discrimination. At the end of February, a demonstration against Danish racism was held in Nuuk, with the Prime Minister in attendance. In 2023, the Special Rapporteur on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples, José Francisco Calí Tzay, highlighted the discrimination suffered by the Kalaallit in accessing their rights, calling for “a process of reconciliation to address the legacy of colonialism and racism and, with the participation of the Inuit, to develop effective solutions and policies”.

In 2009, the Self-Government Act marked an important step towards greater autonomy for Kalaallit Nunaat from Denmark. The Act extended the powers granted to Kalaallit Nunaat under the 1979 Self-Government Act, allowing greater control over domestic affairs, including mining and petroleum rights. Denmark retained authority over foreign affairs, defense and monetary policy. The law also recognized the Kalaallit as a distinct people with the right to self-determination under international law, paving the way for possible future negotiations on full independence.

While relations with Denmark have seriously deteriorated in recent years, and US ambitions have once again been pressing since Donald Trump’s return to the White House, Kalaaleq Prime Minister Mute B. Egede has announced that general elections will be held on March 11. Some in Denmark believe that the documentary could prove disastrous for the Kalaallit, leaving them open to the designs of the United States. However, it seems that the United States’ best ally, if any, is more than ever colonial denial and refusal to acknowledge colonial history. As researcher Marine Duc points out, this would be to deny the Kalaallit’s capacity for action, but also to obliterate the history of their struggles in the face of imperialism. While the main campaign themes should revolve around aspirations to independence, as well as relations with Denmark and the United States, Prime Minister Kalaaleq recently declared forcefully: “We don’t want to be Americans, and we don’t want to be Danes either. We will be Kalaallit”. So, although they differ on the modalities and calendar for implementation, all six parties involved in the March 11 campaign are now in favor of Kalaallit Nunaat’s independence.

The documentary is now available on Faroese TV, but without subtitles. A version with English subtitles has been circulating, but is nowhere to be found.

In solidarity with the team behind the documentary, a petition has been set up here.

References

  • Jensen, L. (2018). Postcolonial Denmark: Nation narration in a crisis ridden Europe. Routledge Taylor and Francis Group.
  • Naum, M., & Monié Nordin, J. (Eds.). (2013). Scandinavian colonialism and the rise of modernity: Small time agents in a global arena. Springer.
  • Rud, S. (2017). Colonialism in Greenland: Tradition, Governance and Legacy. Palgrave Macmillan.
  • Volquardsen, E., & Körber, L.-A. (2023). Kolonialismus und Dekolonisierung [Colonialism and decolonization]. In B. Henningsen & U. F. Brömmling (Eds.), Nordeuropa: Handbuch für Wissenschaft und Studium (1. Auflage). Nomos, Rombach Wissenschaft.

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National Elections to Come, Independance, Cryolite Censured… February’s Wrap-Up

In response to U.S. moves on Kalaallit Nunaat, EU heads of state and government finally united in their clear and unequivocal support for Denmark (DR, February 3). Against this backdrop, the Inatsisartut, Kalaallit Nunaat’s parliament, has just passed a law banning political parties from receiving foreign or anonymous donations in order to “protect the integrity of the country” (Eye on the Arctic, February 5). On this subject, Kalaallit Nunaat’s Prime Minister, Mute B. Egede (Inuit Ataqatigiit, IA) has announced that general elections will be held on March 11. The main themes of the election campaign are expected to revolve around aspirations for independence, as well as relations with Denmark and the United States  (Eye on the Arctic, February 5). For Juno Berthelsen (Naleraq), “Trump’s comments and the US administration’s new line have definitely given the independence movement more momentum”. All national parties are in favor of independence, but differ on implementation. Kalaallit Nunaat’s current prime minister has said that if re-elected, he would call for an independence referendum (Eye on the Arctic, February 19). True to its position, the Naleraq party proposes immediate independence from Denmark. In a sign that independence is becoming an even more important issue for Kalaallit Nunaat’s political class, the national parliamentarian Kuno Fencker has left the party and joined Naleraq (DR, February 11), following in the footsteps of another key Siumut figure, Aki-Matilda Høegh-Dam, who has also left Siumut (KNR, February 7). Høegh-Dam, who previously saw independence as a long-term goal, said he now wanted to hold a vote on independence after next month’s general elections (Eye on the Arctic, February 7), before partially reversing this position (Sermitsiaq, February 26). Inatsisartut has also tightened the rules on property acquisition and land allocation, which will now be open only to people who have lived in Kalaallit Nunaat for two years and paid taxes in the country (Sermitsiaq, February 4). According to the documentary “The White Gold of Greenland”, broadcast and produced by DR, Danish Radio and Television, between 1854 and 1987, Denmark mined cryolite in Kalaallit Nunaat for a turnover of 400 billion kroner in today’s Denmark, provoking great indignation in Kalaallit Nunaat. For Siumut president Erik Jensen, the documentary shows that the desire for independence is not unrealistic: “It has reinforced our feeling that we can stand on our own two feet in Kalaallit Nunaat. That we’re not just an expense” (DR, February 10). Reversing the stigma, Kalaallit Nunaat’s prime minister invited us to ask: “What would Denmark have become without Kalaallit Nunaat?” (DR, February 9). For 130 years, cryolite was extracted from a mine in southwest Kalaallit Nunaat by Danish miners and shipped back to Denmark. For Sara Olsvig, President of the Inuit Circumpolar Council, “the documentary should give further impetus to Denmark’s journey towards a better understanding of itself as a colonial power” (Altinget, February 11). In Denmark, however, the documentary has triggered fierce criticism, particularly from the Conservative and Liberal parties, with Culture Minister Jakob Engel-Schmidt calling it “disinformation” (DR, February 12). Although several economists qualified the figures that had crystallized the criticism (DR, February 12), in the face of the controversy, DR finally decided to delete the controversial documentary and fire its editor-in-chief (Altinget, February 19). A “shameful” decision for the Kalaallit Nunaat’s Prime Minister (Sermitsiaq, February 20) and seen as “serious interference in the independent press, which could threaten press freedom” by the Greenland Media Association (Sermitsiaq, February 25). Nonetheless, the documentary contributes to documenting Denmark’s colonial history (DR, February 10; Altinget, February 27), and in particular the role of mining (Altinget, February), but also highlights a form of “denial” towards it (Altinget, February 27), and promises to be amply mobilized during the election campaign (DR, February 11). A new party, Qulleq, formed by former members of the Siumut and Naleraq parties, is expected to take part in the election campaign, having now collected enough voter declarations to give the party the right to run. The party intends to defend both a rapid independence of the country, and the acceleration of mining and oil exploitation (Sermitsiaq, February 7). Finally, Kenneth Høegh, head of Kalaallit Nunaat’s representation in Washington, is being considered as the next Arctic ambassador  (Sermitsiaq, February 21).

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Accusations of Genocide, Trump’s Idea of US “Ownership and Control”, Kalaaleq Passport… December’s Wrap-Up

Against a backdrop of protests against the forced abduction of kalaallit children in Denmark, Kalaallit Nunaat’s Prime Minister Múte B. Egede described the campaign to sterilize kalaallit women and girls in the 1960-70s as “genocide for which Denmark should apologize” (DR, December 12). For the president of the Inuit Circumpolar Council, Sara Olsvig, “the individual human rights of girls and women have undoubtedly been violated”, and Denmark must finally take responsibility for its colonial behavior (Altinget, December 17). In a press release, Naleraq president Pele Broberg demanded that the government follow up its accusations with concrete legal measures (Sermitsiaq, December 22). While Donald Trump again raised the idea of US “ownership and control” of Kalaallit Nunaat (DR, December 23), Danish Defense Minister Troels Lund Poulsen announced new defense investments in the Arctic: two new Thetis-class inspection ships, two new long-range drones, two new sled teams for the Sirius patrol and more personnel at Arctic Command (DR, December 24). In Kalaallit Nunaat, Donald Trump’s announcement of the appointment of a new US ambassador to Denmark (Altinget, December 23) provoked strong reactions; for MP Aki-Matilda Høegh-Dam, who represents the kalaaleq party Siumut in the Danish Parliament, “Kalaallit Nunaat is not a commodity or a geostrategic trophy”; “Kalaallit Nunaat is ours. We are not for sale and never will be,” reaffirmed kalaaleq Prime Minister Múte B. Egede (Sermitsiaq, December 23). That said, against the backdrop of a highly deteriorated relationship between Denmark and Kalaallit Nunaat, the kalaaleq Prime Minister also intends to pave the way for further cooperation beyond Denmark, in particular with the USA: “Our foreign policy strategy also means that we cooperate more with our neighbors, because Kalaallit Nunaat must become an independent country”, he said (DR, December 13). Following the intensification of kalaaleq protest in recent months, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs announced that the kalaaleq government would now be responsible for appointing the Arctic ambassador (DR, December 20). Kalaaleq’s Minister of Self-Government and Foreign Affairs, Vivian Motzfeldt, will assume the chairmanship of the Arctic Council on behalf of the Kingdom of Denmark at the political level (Sermitsiaq, December 20). In addition, Kalaallit passports can now show Kalaaleq nationality, not just Danish, which is above all “a powerful symbol of our language, culture and history” for Kuno Fencker, MP for the Siumut party (Altinget, December 16). Finally, after several months in pre-trial detention in Nuuk, the Ministry of Justice decided not to grant Japan’s request for Paul Watson’s extradition, and to release him (Sermitsiaq, December 20).

Photo: IA Generated

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Discriminatory Parenting Test, Translation at the Folketing, Inauguration of Nuuk Airport… November’s Wrap-Up

In Kalaallit Nunaat, tensions and demonstrations of support for Keira Alexandra Kronvold, a woman of kalaaleq origin, increased as her child was forcibly taken away by social services within hours of giving birth in Thisted, Denmark. The Danish Parenting Assessment Test (FKU), one of the psychometric tests widely used in Denmark to assess parenting skills, has been heavily criticized for reproducing racist discrimination. An extract from Keira Alexandra Kronvold’s file bears witness to this: “her origin would make it difficult for her to prepare the child for the social expectations and codes necessary in Danish society”. This is just one of many cases, since according to a 2022 report, children of kalaaleq origin living in Denmark are six times more likely to be placed in care than those of Danish origin (Sermitsiaq, November 20; The Guardian, November 25; DR, November 12). At the Folketing, the Danish parliament, the simultaneous translation hitherto rejected by the Speaker, Søren Gade, was tested for the first time during questions to the Prime Minister, Mette Frederiksen, who described the day as historic (Sermitsiaq, November 26; DR, November 26). Another “historic moment” for former Prime Minister Kim Kielsen was the inauguration of Nuuk International Airport, which now provides a direct link between Nuuk and Copenhagen, bypassing Kangerlussuaq (Sermitsiaq, November 28). At the end of November, Danish Defence Minister Troels Lund Poulsen visited Nuuk to meet Foreign Minister Vivian Motzfeldt to discuss the defence agreement and reaffirm a joint commitment to close cooperation on Arctic defence issues, with two priorities: to ensure that the Arctic remains a low-voltage zone, and to guarantee the participation of local businesses and the local population in the development of defence installations (Sermitsiaq, November 23; Eye on the Arctic, November 23). And while Kalaallit Nunaat has already decided to boycott the Nordic Council, the Faroe Islands have also threatened to leave the regional governance body. The Swedish presidency has not invited Kalaallit Nunaat and the Faroe Islands to a number of meetings, seeing this as a breach of equality between Council members, while an update of the treaties is called for so that Kalaallit Nunaat, the Faroe Islands and Åland join the Council as independent members (High North News, November 6). Finally, Paul Watson’s pre-trial detention has once again been renewed until December 18, pending a Danish response as to whether or not he should be extradited to Japan (Sermitsiaq, December 2).

Photo: Keira Alexandra Kronvold and her baby, who has been removed from her by the local municipality. Photograph: supplied (The Guardian).

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Revue d’avril : Discours sur l’Unité du Royaume

English below.

Lors du discours sur l’Unité du Royaume, après avoir affirmé la nécessité de former une union forte en Arctique et en Atlantique Nord, la Première ministre Mette Frederiksen a souligné qu’elle était prête à examiner le cadre du Royaume s’il y avait une demande concrète de la part des îles Féroé ou du Groenland. Par ailleurs, la question du poste non pourvu d’Ambassadeur de l’Arctique suite à un désaccord dano-groenlandais n’a pas été mentionné (Sermitsiaq, 19 avril). En parallèle, le Danemark a renforcé son engagement militaire dans l’Atlantique Nord avec cinq nouveaux attachés de défense (un à Ottawa, un à Oslo, un à l’ONU et deux à l’OTAN) (Regard sur l’Arctique, 23 avril). Au parlement danois, un an après son intervention pour demander la traduction des débats en groenlandais, Aki-Matilda Høegh-Dam a décidé de mettre en place son propre système de traduction pour rendre les débats accessibles à ses concitoyens (Altinget, 19 avril).

– April Review: Speech on the Unity of the Kingdom

During her speech on the Unity of the Kingdom, after affirming the need to form a strong union in the Arctic and North Atlantic, Prime Minister Mette Frederiksen stressed that she was ready to examine the framework of the Kingdom if there was a concrete request from the Faroe Islands or Greenland. On the other hand, the issue of the unfilled post of Arctic Ambassador following a Danish-Greenlandic disagreement was not mentioned (Sermitsiaq, April 19). At the same time, Denmark has strengthened its military commitment in the North Atlantic with five new defense attachés (one in Ottawa, one in Oslo, one at the UN and two at NATO) (Regard sur l’Arctique, April 23). In the Danish parliament, a year after she intervened to request the translation of debates into Greenlandic, Aki-Matilda Høegh-Dam decided to set up her own translation system to make debates accessible to her fellow citizens (Altinget, April 19).

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Revue de mars : l’UE s’installe à Nuuk, budget militaire accru et l’Etat danois pousuivi par 143 femmes inuit

English below

Au Groenland, après deux ans de préparation, l’Union Européenne par la voix de la présidente de la Commission, Ursula von der Leyen, a officiellement inauguré un bureau à Nuuk le 15 mars dernier. Le nouveau bureau de l’UE devrait contribuer à renforcer la coopération entre l’UE et le Groenland dans de nouveaux domaines prioritaires tels que les matières premières, le climat et l’énergie (Sermitsiaq, 11 mars). L’UE s’est déjà engagée à investir 500 millions d’euros dans le pays d’ici à 2027 (Polar Journal, 14 mars). Pour Ursula von der Leyen, “le fait que l’UE aide à développer l’énorme potentiel du Groenland en matière d’énergies renouvelables et de matières premières critiques est une situation gagnant-gagnant” (Altinget, 15 mars). Sur le plan de la défense, le Danemark, qui avait déjà annoncé l’an dernier tripler ses dépenses militaires sur 10 ans, va augmenter ses dépenses en défense de 5,4 milliards d’euros sur cinq ans. En 2024 et 2025, les dépenses militaires devraient représenter 2,4 % du PIB danois (au-dessus du seuil de 2% fixé par l’OTAN) (Rcinet, 13 mars). Au Groenland, 143 femmes inuit poursuivent le Danemark pour contraception forcée ; le Danemark avait mis en place une campagne de pose forcée de dispositifs contraceptifs intra-utérins dans les années 1960 et 1970 (Rcinet, 5 mars). L’Inuit Circumpolar Council a apporté son plein soutien (Sermitsiaq, 8 mars). Par ailleurs, sur la question du deep-sea mining, le gouvernement groenlandais a annoncé être en accord avec les Nations unies pour mettre en place, par mesure de précaution, une pause pour l’exploitation minière dans les profondeurs des fonds marins (DR, 13 mars). Enfin, les deux navires d’inspection de la marine, qui ont pour mission de patrouiller dans les eaux du Groenland, ont vu leur interdiction de naviguer levée. Les deux navires d’inspection de la classe Knud Rasmussen étaient immobilisés dans le port de Nuuk depuis le 1er février, car les moteurs auxiliaires des deux navires étaient soudainement tombés en panne (DR, 25 mars).

– March Review: EU settles in Nuuk, military budget increased and Danish state pursued by 143 Inuit women

In Greenland, after two years of preparation, the European Union, through the voice of Commission President Ursula von der Leyen, officially inaugurated an office in Nuuk on March 15. The new EU office should help strengthen cooperation between the EU and Greenland in new priority areas such as raw materials, climate and energy (Sermitsiaq, March 11). The EU has already pledged to invest 500 million euros in the country by 2027 (Polar Journal, March 14). For Ursula von der Leyen, “the fact that the EU is helping to develop Greenland’s enormous potential for renewable energies and critical raw materials is a win-win situation” (Altinget, March 15). On the defense front, Denmark, which had already announced last year that it would triple its military spending over 10 years, is to increase its defense spending by 5.4 billion euros over five years. By 2024 and 2025, military spending should represent 2.4% of Danish GDP (above the 2% threshold set by NATO) (Rcinet, March 13). In Greenland, 143 Inuit women sue Denmark for forced contraception; Denmark had implemented a campaign of forced insertion of intrauterine contraceptive devices in the 1960s and 1970s (Rcinet, March 5). The Inuit Circumpolar Council lent its full support (Sermitsiaq, March 8). Meanwhile, on the issue of deep-sea mining, the Greenland government announced that it had agreed with the United Nations to introduce a precautionary pause for deep-sea mining (DR, March 13). Finally, the two navy inspection vessels, whose mission is to patrol Greenland’s waters, have had their sailing ban lifted. The two Knud Rasmussen-class inspection vessels had been immobilized in the port of Nuuk since February 1, when their auxiliary engines suddenly failed (DR, March 25).

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Revue de septembre : Rapport spécial de l’ONU, plurilinguisme au Folketing et Ocean Explorer

English below

Le rapporteur spécial sur les droits des peuples autochtones, José Francisco Calí Tzay a rendu son rapport à la suite de sa visite au Groenland en février dernier. Le rapport pointe notamment les discriminations subies par les groenlandaises et les groenlandais dans l’accès à leurs droits, ainsi que les politiques danoises particulièrement violentes (notamment la campagne de stérilisation des filles et des femmes dans les années 1960-70) qui ont suivies la période coloniale, qui s’est formellement achevée en 1953. Le rapporteur préconise d’engager “un processus de réconciliation afin d’aborder l’héritage du colonialisme et du racisme et, avec la participation des Inuit, d’élaborer des solutions et des politiques efficaces” (UN, 11 septembre). Un autre préconisation rejoint la demande exprimée au Folketing, le parlement danois, par Aki-Matilda Høegh-Dam de pouvoir s’exprimer en groenlandais et féroïens. A ce sujet, le président du Folketing, Søren Gade, qui s’était montré favorable à la mise à disposition d’interprètes, a finalement tranché, il s’agira pour les membres élus du Groenland et des îles Féroé de traduire eux-mêmes leurs discours au Folketing s’ils s’expriment dans leur langue maternelle. Certaines déclarations et rapports seront également traduits (DR, 21 septembre). Alors que le développement du tourisme de croisière s’est développé considérablement au Groenland ces dernières années et que le gouvernement groenlandais étudie la mise en place d’une taxe pour les passagers (KNR, 31 août), au début du mois de septembre, le navire de croisière Ocean Explorer s’est échoué avec 206 personnes à bord dans l’Alpefjord au nord-est du Groenland. Les passagers ont pu être secourus avec le concours du navire de recherche Tarajoq de l’Institut de la nature (DR, 14 septembre). “Les navires de croisière qui naviguent dans les eaux groenlandaises et dans les fjords ont tous obtenu l’autorisation de naviguer dans nos eaux” précise Vivian Motzfeldt, nouvelle ministre des affaires étrangères et de l’indépendance, “mais la situation qui s’est créée montre clairement que nous devons travailler pour garantir des exigences légales strictes, claires et sans ambiguïté à partir de la saison prochaine” (Sermitsiaq, 13 septembre).

– September review: UN Special Report, multilingualism at the Folketing and Ocean Explorer

The Special Rapporteur on the rights of indigenous peoples, José Francisco Calí Tzay, issued his report following his visit to Greenland last February. The report highlights the discrimination suffered by Greenlanders in accessing their rights, as well as the particularly violent Danish policies (notably the campaign to sterilize girls and women in the 1960s and 70s) that followed the colonial period, which formally ended in 1953. The rapporteur calls for “a process of reconciliation to address the legacy of colonialism and racism and, with the participation of the Inuit, to develop effective solutions and policies” (UN, September 11). Another recommendation is in line with Aki-Matilda Høegh-Dam’s request to the Folketing, the Danish parliament, to be able to express herself in Greenlandic and Faroese. Folketing President Søren Gade, who had been in favor of providing interpreters, has now decided that elected members from Greenland and the Faroe Islands will be able to translate their speeches to the Folketing themselves if they speak in their mother tongue. Certain statements and reports will also be translated (DR, September 21). While cruise tourism has grown considerably in Greenland in recent years, and the Greenlandic government is considering the introduction of a passenger tax (KNR, August 31), in early September the cruise ship Ocean Explorer ran aground with 206 people on board in the Alpefjord in northeast Greenland. The passengers were rescued with the help of the Nature Institute’s research vessel Tarajoq (DR, September 14). “Cruise ships operating in Greenlandic waters and fjords have all obtained permission to sail in our waters,” says Vivian Motzfeldt, the new Minister for Foreign Affairs and Independence, “but the situation that has arisen clearly shows that we must work to ensure strict, clear and unambiguous legal requirements from next season onwards” (Sermitsiaq, September 13).